美国总统演讲稿范文

关键词： 美国 演讲 总统 演讲稿

演讲稿是通过语言表达的方式，在语言的感染力、表现力下，让更多的人理解演讲内容。在当前的生活与学习中，演讲成为常见的活动形式，你知道如何写出一份吸引人的演讲稿吗？今天小编给大家找来了《美国总统演讲稿范文》，希望对大家有所帮助。

第一篇：美国总统演讲稿范文

美国总统演讲

乔治·华盛顿

美国人民的实验

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order，and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand，I was summoned by my Country，whose voice I can never hearbut with veneration and love,from a retreat which I hadchosen with the fondest predilection,and,in my flattering hopes,with an immutable decision,as the asylum of my declining years-a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination ,and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time .On the other hand ,themagnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me,being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications,could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected .All I dare hope is that if ,in executing this task ,I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances ,or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens,and havethence too litter consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me ,my error will be palliated bythe motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.

Such being the impressions under which I have ,in obedience to the public summons,repaired to the present station ,it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe,who presides in the councils of nations,and whose providential aids can supply every human defect,that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes,and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good,I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own ,nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be boundto acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency,and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude,along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage .These reflections,arising out of the present crisis,have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed .You Will join with me ,I trust,in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.

By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the

President“to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”The circumstances under which I now meet you Will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled ,and which,in defining your powers ,designates the objects to which your attention is to be given .It will be more consistent with those circumstances,and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me ,to substitute ,in place of a recommendation of particular measures ,the tribute that is due to the talents ,the rectitude ,and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them .In those honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices,will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests,so , on another ,that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality , and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world .I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire,since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exist in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virture and happiness .between duty and advantage .between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity .since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained.and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the tepublican model of government are justly considered,perhaps,as deeply ,as finally,staked on the experiment rntrusted to the hands of the American people.

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care ,it will remain with your judgement to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system ,or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them .Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject,in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities,I shall again give way to me entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good .for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government,or which ought to await the future lessons of experience,a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the questions how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted .

To the foregoing observations I have one to add ,which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself ,and will therefore be aswbrief as possible .When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country ,then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties ,the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation .From this resolution I have in no instance departed .and being still under the impressions which produced it ,I must decline as inapplicable to myself. any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department ,and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it belimited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require .

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awaken by the occasion which brings us together ,I shall take my present leave .but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in the humble supplication that ,since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility ,and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness ,so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views ,the temperate consultation ,and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

译文

参议院和众议院的公民们:

在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月十四日收到你们送达的通知更使我焦虑不安。一方面，国家召唤我出任总统一职，对于她的召唤，我只能肃然从命。而隐退是我以挚爱心情，满腔希望和坚定决心所选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，越来越感到隐退的必要和珍贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此巨大而艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又没有民政管理经验，应该倍觉自己能力不足，因此必然感到难以担此重任。怀着这种矛盾的心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来恪尽职责，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因沉溺于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我高度的信赖，因而过分受到了影响 ，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会出于使我误入歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在批判错误的后果时，也会适应包涵产生这些动机的偏见。

既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热情地祈求全能的上帝将是一件非常不当的事，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足。愿上帝赐福，保佑一个为了美国人民的自由和幸福而组建的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而做出的贡献，保佑政治的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功的发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表了各位和广大公民的心声。没有人能比美国人民更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人类事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每一步都有某种天佑的现象。他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是由虔诚的感恩而获得的某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是难以同大多数政府在组建过程中所采用的方式相比的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自己。我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即如果不能仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府就无法做到一开始就事事如意。

根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而适宜的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只是提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天欢聚一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当，也更能反应我内心的激情的做法不是提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能，正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派歧视，都不能使我们偏离全局的观念和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和不同利益所组建的大联合政权;因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯正不够的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。

我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界法则和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的

硕果之间，有着密不可分的关系;因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了永恒的秩序和权利法则，他绝不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈颜欢笑;因为人们理所当然地，满怀深情地，也许是最后一次地把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。

除了提醒各位注意的一般事务外，在当前的时刻，根据激烈反对共和制的各种意见的性质，或根据引起这些意见的不同程度，在必要时行使宪法第五条授予的权利究竟有多大益处，将依靠你们来加以判断和决定。在这个问题上，我无法从过去担任过的职务中得到借鉴 因此我不提具体的建议，而是再一次完全信任各位对公众利益的辨别和追求;因为我相信，各位只要谨慎，避免做出任何可能危及团结而有效的政府利益的修订，或避免作出应该等待未来经验教训的修订，那么，各位对自由人特有权利的尊重和对社会安定的关注，就足以影响大家慎重考虑应在何种程度上坚定不移地加强前者，并有利无弊的促进后者。

除上述建议外，我还补充一点，而且觉得向众议院提出最恰当。这条意见与我有关，因此应当尽量讲得简短一些。我第一次荣幸地响应号召为国家效劳时，正值我国为自由而艰苦奋斗之际，我对我的职责的看法要求我必须放弃任何俸禄。我从未违背过这一决定。如今，促使我作出这一同样决定的想法仍然支配着我，因此，我必须拒绝对我来说不适宜的任何个人津贴可能被列入并成为政府部门常设基金不可分割的一部分。同样，我必须恳求各位，在估算我就任这个职位所需要的费用时，可以根据我的任期以公众利益所需的实际费用为限。

我已经把有感于这一聚会场合的想法告诉了各位，现在我就要向大家告辞;但在此以前，我还在一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人民有了深思熟虑的机会，有了为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向;因而，同样明显的时，上帝将会保佑我们逐步扩大眼界，稳定地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所比不可缺少的依靠。

第二篇：美国总统林肯演讲稿

Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln March 4th 1861

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of this office."

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.

Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.

Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.

It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. Top

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.

第三篇：美国总统励志演讲稿

hello, everybody! thank you. thank you. thank you, everybody. all right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. how is everybody doing today? (applause.) how about tim spicer? (applause.) i am here with students at wakefield high school in arlington, virginia. and we’ve got students tuning in from all across america, from kindergarten through 12th gr

你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iphone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。 and no matter what you want to do with your life, i guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it. you want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? you want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? you’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. you cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. you’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it. 不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗?你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗?你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。 and this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future. what you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country. the future of america depends on you. what you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future. 这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。

你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。 we need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. if you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country. 我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。 now, i know it’s not always easy to do well in school. i know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork. 我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。 i get it. i know what it’s like. my father left my family when i was two years old, and i was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had. there were times when i missed having a father in my life. there were times when i was lonely and i felt like i didn’t fit in. 我明白这一点。 我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。 so i wasn’t always as focused as i should have been on school, and i did some things i’m not proud of, and i got in more trouble than i should have. and my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse. 我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地。 but i was -- i was lucky. i got a lot of second chances, and i had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams. my wife, our first lady michelle obama, she has a similar story. neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money. but they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country. 但是，我当年际遇不错。我有过许多第二次机会，我有幸能上大学，上法学院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我们的第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马，也有着类似的经历。她的父母都未曾上过大学，家里很穷。但他们非常勤奋 ，她也是如此，因此她得以进入一些美国最好的学校。 some of you might not have those advantages. maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need. maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around. maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right. 你们中有一些人可能没有那些有利条件。或许你们生活中没有成年人为你们提供你们所需要篇二：美国总统演讲稿 remarks of president barack obama weekly address san diego, california saturday, november 19, 2011 today, i’m speaking to you from indonesia as i finish up my trip to the asia pacific – the regionwhere we do most of our trade and sell most of our exports. and over the past week, theprogress we’ve made in opening markets and boosting exports here will help create more jobs andmore growth in the united states. – a goal we’reon pace to meet. and they’re powerful examples of how we can rebuild an economy that’sfocused on what our country has always done best – making and selling products all over theworld that are stamped with three proud words: “made in america.” this is important, because over the last decade, we became a country that relied too much onwhat we bought and consumed. we racked up a lot of debt, but we didn’t create many jobs atall. but building an economy that lasts isn’t just about making things – it’s about opening new marketsfor people to buy them. after all, 95% of the world’s consumers live outside our borders. and asthe fastest-growing region in the world, no market is more important to our economic future thanthe asia pacific region – a region where our exports already support five million american jobs. us trade agreement yet – a partnership withpacific nations that holds the potential for more exports and more jobs in a region of nearly threebillion consumers. 美国总统奥巴马 2010 年开学励志演讲美国总统奥巴马开学演讲英语演讲稿。这是奥巴马第二次发表开学演讲。奥巴马 2009 年的演讲招来了许多批评和抵制。 一些反对者指责称， 奥巴马试图通过演讲向学生灌输政治 理念。部分媒体还批评奥巴马试图建立个人崇拜。在美国各地，也有许多家长向当地教育官 员表示抗议，一些家长甚至威胁在奥巴马演讲时把孩子离教室。有了去年的“教训” ，今年 的总统开学演讲，白宫意强调这是一次“非政治活动” ，而奥巴马本人也在演讲中回避政治 话题。thank you!hello!(applause.)thank you.thank you.well, hello,philadelphia! (applause.) and hello, masterman. (applause.) done that. be here.it is wonderful to see all of you.what a terrific introduction by kelly. give kelly a big round of applause. i was saying backstage that when i was in high school, i could not have (laughter.) i would have muffed it up somehow. so we are so proud and to all the students here, i’ thrilled to mof you and everything that you’ done. ve谢谢!你们好! (掌声。 )谢谢。谢谢。你好，费城! (掌声。 )你好， 马斯特曼。 见到你们真是太好了。 kelly 的介绍真是太棒了。 让我们对 kelly 报以热烈的掌声。在后台的时候我说，我上高中的时候我就做不这么好，我可能 会弄的一团糟。所以让我们为你和你做的一切自豪吧。站在这里我很激动。kelly 在奥巴马总统演讲前，一名叫 kelly 的学生做了演讲。 backstage n.后台 muff v.笨拙地处理，将事情弄糟 thrilled a.激动的 we’ve got a couple introductions i want to make. mayor of philadelphia, michael nutter, is here. fattah is here. (applause.) (applause.) first of all, you’ve got the (applause.) theoutstanding governor of pennsylvania, ed rendell, in the house.(applause.) congressman chaka (applause.) the school 我想介绍1congresswoman allyson schwartz is here. (applause.) andyour own principal, marge neff, is here.superintendent, arlene ackerman, is here and doing a great job. the secretary of education, arne duncan, is here. (applause.)几个人。首先，来到这儿的有，杰出的宾夕法尼亚州州长， ed rendell。 (掌声。 ) 。你们的 费城市长，michael nutter。国会议员 fattah 和 allyson schwartz(掌声) 校长 marge neff(掌声) 。学校管理人 arlene ackerman 是这个学校的，并且为学 (掌声) 校做了很大的贡献。 (掌声) 。还有教育部秘书长 arne duncan。outstanding a.杰出的 congressman n.国会议员 principal n.校长 superintendent n.院长 and i am here. excited. (applause.) and i am thrilled to be here. i am just soi’ve heard such great things about what all of you are doing, both the 还有我。 (掌声) ，我感到非常students and the teachers and th ，你们中有些人在新学年会有些紧张。或许你刚从 小学升到初中，从初中升到高中，会担心，新的学年将会是什么样的呢。也许你 进入一所新的学校，不知道是否会喜欢这个学校，想着怎么来融入这个学校。或 许你到了高三年级，对整个的大学入学程序感到不安，比如申请那里的学校，能 不能支付上大学的费用等等。elementary school n.小学 figure out 想明白，弄清楚 fit in 融入，适应 afford to do 承担得起 and beyond all those concerns, i know a lot of you are also feeling the strain of some difficult times. afghanistan. you know what’s going on in the news and you also know you’ve read about the war in and3what’s going on in some of your own families.you hear about the recession that we’ ve been through.sometimes maybe you’ seeing the worries in your parents’ faces or sense it in their re voice. 除此之外，我知道你们还有来自困难时期的压力。你们知道新闻 内容，知道你们一些家庭中发发生的事情。你们读过有关阿富汗战争的信息，听 说过我们经历过的经济不景气。有时你们还看到了双亲脸上挂着的忧虑，或从他 们的声音中感受到了这些。strain n.压力 so a lot of you as a consequence, because we’re going through a tough time a country, are having to act a lot older than you are. you got to be strong for your or maybe some of family while your brother or sister is serving overseas, or you’ve got to look after younger siblings while your mom is working that second shift. work. you who are little bit older, you’re taking on a part-time job while your dad’s out of 所以，因为我们国家面临困难时期，你们许多人的行为看上去比实 际年龄要大。姐姐哥哥在海外工作，你们会表现得坚强，或许妈妈去值第二班， 你们就要照顾年幼的弟弟妹妹。或许你们有些人年长一点的，父亲失了业，你们 还要做兼职。as a consequence 结果，所以 tough time 困难时期【tough a.艰难的】 sibling n.兄弟姐妹，同胞 shift n.轮班 and that’s a lot to handle. it’s more than you should have to handle. and it may make you wonder at times what your own future will look like, whether you’re going to be able to succeed in school, whether you should maybe set your sights a little lower, scale back your dreams. 有太多事情要做了， 很多是你们不应该 做的。 这让你们迷茫， 不知道自己的未来会是什么样， 在学校能不能取得好成绩， 是不是应该把目光降低些，把理想放低些。handle v.处理，应对 scale back 缩减 but i came to masterman to tell all of you what i think you’re hearing from your principal and your superintendent, and from your parents and your teachers: nobody gets to write your destiny but you. your future is in your hands. your life4is what you make of it.and 【美国总统演讲】确保同工同酬 严惩工资歧视 weekly address: ensuring equal pay for equal work remarks of president barack obama weekly address the white house april 12, 2014 hi, everybody. earlier this week was equal pay day. it marks the extra time the average woman has to work into a new year to earn what a man earned the year before. you see, the average woman who works full-time in america earns less than a man –

even when she’s in the same profession and has the same education. thats wrong. in 2014, it’s an embarrassment. women deserve equal pay for equal work. this is an economic issue that affects all of us. women make up about half our workforce. and more and more, they’re our families’ main breadwinners. so it’s good for everyone when women are paid fairly. that’s why, this week, i took action to prohibit more businesses from punishing workers who discuss their salaries – because more pay transparency makes it easier to spot pay discrimination. and i hope more business leaders will take up this cause. but equal pay is just one part of an economic agenda for women. most lower-wage workers in america are women. so i’ve taken executive action to require federal contractors to pay their federally-funded employees at least ten dollars and ten cents an hour. i ordered a review of our nation’s overtime rules, to give more workers the chance to earn the overtime pay they deserve. thanks to the affordable care act, tens of millions of women are now guaranteed free preventive care like mammograms and contraceptive care, and the days when you could be charged more just for being a woman are over for good. across the country, we’re bringing americans together to help us make sure that a woman can have a baby without sacrificing her job, or take a day off to care for a sick child or parent without hitting hardship. it’s time to do away with workplace policies that belong in a “mad men” episode, and give every woman the opportunity she deserves. i’m going to keep fighting to make sure that doesn’t happen. because we do better when our economy grows for everybody, not just a few. and when women succeed, america succeeds. thanks, and have a great weekend.篇五：美国总统演讲稿——勤奋生活论

勤奋生活论

1899年4月10日于芝加哥

西奥多·罗斯福(1856—1919)，美国第26任总统(1901—1909)，作家，探险者和军事家。

我不打算宣讲安逸论，我要宣讲勤奋生活论，也就是操劳、勤勉、努力和奋斗的一生我要说，安逸平淡者的一生算不上圆满，只有不畏艰险劳苦终获辉煌胜利的人的一生才算得上成功。

贪图安逸的一生，由于不想或不能成就大事业而平淡无奇的一生，对个人、对民族来说都同样不值。 一生苟且怕事的人我们不佩服。我们佩服的是经奋斗而成功的人;从来不会对不起邻人、及时向朋友伸援手的人，尤其佩服有阳刚之气经得起实际生活锻炼的人。失败的滋味固然不好受;从来不愿做成功的尝试却更糟。生活当中不努力就不会有成就。现在无需努力只表示过去已经累积了努力成果。人只有在自己或祖辈努力有成的情况下才有不工作的自由。如这样得来的自由运用得当，他还在做事，只是做不同的事，是作家或是将军，是从政或寻幽探险，都说明他对得起命运对他的厚爱。但如果他反以为这段无需工作期不是准备期而正好偷闲，那么他无非也就是这世上的寄生虫，有朝一日又得自食其力时肯定不如人。安安逸逸的一生说到底算不上充实，对很想在世上有一番严肃作为的人来说尤其不合适。 个人如是，民族亦然。要说没有历史的民族最轻松愉快可就大错了。最快活的乃是有光辉灿烂历史的民族。敢于大胆尝试夺得光辉胜利，即便经历过挫败，也远比与在胜败之间的灰色领域浑浑噩噩过了一辈子既未曾惊喜亦不知苦难的人为伍要强。如若1861年热爱联邦者以为和平乃上上选、纷战乃下下策，并秉此而行，我们果然能少死千万人，少花千万元。尤有甚者，非但能省却当时流的血、花的钱，让多少妇女免于丧子丧夫之痛、家破人亡之苦;还可以摆脱我们在军队连连败退时全国上下被暗淡所笼罩的漫长蒙羞岁月。只要当时对鏖战望而怯步就可以回避这场苦难。其实，要真是回避了，我们倒成了弱者，没有资格并列世界大国之林。感谢上帝让我们的祖辈有铁血意 志，他们坚持林肯的智慧，与格兰特将军持剑荷枪而战!我们这些当年的志士豪杰之后，促使南北战争胜利结束的英雄的后代，让我们赞美我们先祖的上帝，因为他们拒不同意苟且求全的论调，而勇敢地在痛苦损失、悲痛绝望的情况下卓绝苦战多年;最后奴隶终得解放，联邦得以恢复，强大的美利坚共和国再次可以在国际上昂首挺胸„„ 凡畏缩、疏懒、不相信自己国家的人，谨小慎微丧失了斗志、挺不起腰杆子的人，无知混沌、无法像刚毅有为的人那样被振奋的人，凡是这样的人每见到国家有新的责任当前自然要望而怯步;不愿见到我们有足以应付需要的陆、海军;见到我们的士兵、水手在伟大美丽的热带岛屿上奋勇地撵走西班牙人，’承担起应有的世界责任，化混乱为秩序时也要望而怯步。这些人就是怕磨练，就是怕生活在一个有国格的国家之中;他们要的是让国无理想人无大志的安逸生涯;要不他们就是一味贪得图利之辈，以为国家的一切应以商业利益为依靠，却未能意识到商业利益诚然是不可或少的考虑因素，但只不过是使一个国家真正伟大的许多 因素之一。一个国家要想持久，它就必需有深厚的靠勤俭、经商、发展企业、刻苦经营工业而建立起来的物资财富;但还从来没有单靠物质财富就可以真正算得上伟大的国家。 所以同胞们，我要讲的是为了国家我们不能好逸恶劳。即将到来的20世纪许多国家命运未卜。如果我们仅只袖手旁观，只贪图享乐安逸，只求太平无事，如果我们每逢身心考验便望风而逃，那么比较勇敢坚强的人就会赶超我们，得以称霸世界。因此让我们勇敢地面对生活中的考验，坚定负责地做好该做的事;坚持正义，言行一致;决心诚实勇敢地为崇高理想服务，并采纳切合实际的办法。最重要的是，不能在国内外有难、对我们身心有所求时裹足不前，当然首先我们得确定危难值得一战;因为只有通过危难、通过艰苦卓绝的努力才能让我们至终成为真正伟大的国家。

第四篇：美国总统高校演讲分析

--从语境角度看演讲语篇的顺应性

刘晓冰1宋书渊2

(1河北科技师范学院欧美学院， 河北 秦皇岛066004;2秦皇岛职业技术学院，

河北 秦皇岛 066100)

摘要: 随着全球化的发展和国际间跨文化交际活动的日益频繁，各国领导人之间的高层访问也越来越多。本文所选择的语料就是三篇美国领导人来访中国时， 在三所中国的知名高校所做的演讲。作者运用Verschueren 在1999年提出的顺应论(Adaptation Theory)对三篇演讲稿进行分析。

关键词：语境演讲语篇顺应性

在语言学界对演讲语篇的研究从未停止过， 研究的角度也不尽相同， 有的是对演讲语篇的文体进行研究， 有的是对语篇的内容或者功能进行研究， 还有的是进行中英文语篇的对比研究。 无论从哪个角度进行研究， 目的无非是使演讲语篇理解起来更容易更透彻。 基于演讲语篇的一些特点和目前对演讲语篇的研究现状， 本文选择从语境入手， 对演讲语篇中语言使用的顺应性进行研究。 语境是一个受到学术界广泛关注和普遍研究的概念， 许多语言学家都对此做过研究， 如 Malinowski, Firth, Halliday, Verschueren等等。Verschueren 在1999年提出的顺应论(Adaptation Theory)中， 从语用综观的角度对语境的概念进行了阐述， 他认为语言的使用是一种选择， 而且是对语境的一种顺应性的选择， 这一过程是一个持续性的，动态的过程。考虑到理论研究的角度和理论的特点， 本文以语境顺应论为理论基础， 从语言使用的不同层面对演讲语篇进行分析。 Verschureren把语境分为交际语境(communicative context)和语言语境(linguistic context)， 其中交际语境除语言使用者(utterer)外还包括社交世界(social world)，心理世界(mental world)和物理世界(physical world)三个部分。 语境对语言使用的影响贯穿语言使用的整个过程， 使语言使用者对其进行顺应从而作出

语言选择。 三位领导人来访时间和演讲地点各不相同， 这使得他们演讲的语境因素也有所差异。【1】

从社交世界来讲， 里根是第一个在任期间访华的美国总统， 他的来访是在十九世纪八十年代， 当时中国正处在改革开放初期， 整个社会的经济和文化都刚从之前相对封闭的体制中走出来， 中美两国正式建立外交关系不久， 彼此之间的经贸往来， 文化交流并不多; 克林顿北大演讲处在十九世纪末，改革开放的显著成果使中国社会面貌焕然一新， 经济的高速发展给社会带来了积极的进步; 布什来访正值二十世纪初， 当时中美关系已发展成熟， 两国之间交流也日渐频繁， 而且中国加入了WTO同时又将在2008年举办奥运会， 这一切都表明中国强大了。 三位领导人的心理世界有着一个共同点， 那就是他们的来访都有相同的目的：让中国更多的了解美国同时发展中美关系。 从物理世界来讲， 他们虽然选择演讲的高校不同但是三位领导人选择的都是中国国内的著名学府， 原因有两个： 一是选择高校作演讲气氛缓和且政治色彩不浓; 二是这些著名学府的学生很有可能成为中国未来的领导人。 以上所述主要是对交际语境所作的分析， 这三个交际因素共同作用使得三篇演讲稿的总体结构和内容有些相似之处， 每篇演讲稿大致都可分为四个部分： 引言， 谈论中国， 谈论美国， 谈论中美关系。 这四个部分各形成一个语言语境， 演讲者在对交际语境进行顺应的同时对语言语境也进行顺应， 这些语境因素对语言选择的影响强弱各有不同， 具体还要根据演讲的内容而定。

演讲者在上述的特定语境中所做出的语言选择是对语境的一种顺应， 本文从四个方面做了具体分析， 演讲者对第一人称代词的选择， 对时态和语态的选择以及对平行结构的选择。

三位领导人在演讲的引言部分都大量地使用人称代词“I(my, me)”来表达自己来访的心情和目的, 在谈论美国时大量地使用了排他性“we(our, us)”而在谈论中国时主要选择了包含性“we(our, us)”， 因为人称代词“I(my, me)”指代总统本人， 排他性“we(our, us)”指代美国人民， 包含性“we(our, us)”指代中美两国人民。 演讲者对第一人称代词的选择主要是对语言语境顺应的结果， 演讲语篇中各个部分的话题不同谈论的内容也不同， 所以形成了不同的语言语境使语言的选择有所侧重。

在语言语境相同的情况下三个演讲者对时态的选择也体现着语言使用者对语境的顺应。【2】在谈论中国时克林顿选择了过去时与现在时交替使用， 产生对比效果来说明中国改革开放的显著成效; 而布什则用完成时来说明中国已经取得的成就，在展望中国未来发展时用将来时表达他的信心。 在谈论美国时里根选择过去时与现在时对比介绍美国的现实情况， 而布什用现在时描述美国的现状， 这是因为里根来访时中国人民对美国了解较少， 选用过去时能更有利的证明他所说的是已经发生了的事实，布什选择现在时是因为他认为介绍美国是在陈述一个事实。 这些时态的使用主要是演讲者对交际语境中的社交世界顺应的结果。

语态主要分为主动语态和被动语态，在谈论美国时里根和布什都倾向于交替使用主动语态和被动语态来突出每一句话甚至是每一段的重点， 自由、平等及美国人民的价值观和美国的人权成为他们谈论的核心内容。【3】语态的使用可以说是演讲者对现实状况即社交世界的一种顺应性的选择。

平行结构的应用是在语篇的组织上体现出来的， 比较有代表性的是：里根的 “must never”， “friendship” 平行结构; 克林顿的 “21st century” 平行结构;布什的 “you can”， “strong” 平行结构等等。 这些平行结构的应用体现了三位领导人来访及演讲的目的： 和中国建立友谊， 更好的发展外交关系， 与中国并肩作战， 反对核武器， 反对核战争， 同时希望中美两国能够共同努力共同发展。对于平行结构的选择是对交际语境中社交世界和心理世界同时顺应的结果。 由于篇幅有限本文只选择了四个方面分析语言使用者的语言选择， 但是从整体上来看这些选择是贯穿整个语篇的。 从另一个角度来说， 语言的使用过程就是一个不断进行选择的动态过程。 从语料的分析可以得出全文的结论， 语境顺应论对于演讲语篇来说也是适用的， 即演讲者使用语言的过程是一个选择的过程， 而且是对语境的一种不间断的动态顺应过程。 这一结论不仅有助于我们对演讲语篇的理解， 而且可以帮助我们更好的撰写和发表演讲稿， 也希望对英语教师在日后有关演讲语篇的教学中有所帮助。本文是语境顺应论在演讲语篇分析中的一次应用性的尝试， 由于所用语料有限， 若要得出一个更广义范围的结论， 还有待于做进一步的研究。

【1】. Verschueren. J. 1999. Understanding Pragmatics. London: Edward Arnold.

【2】. 任绍曾，1995，英语时态的语篇功能，《外国语》，第三期。

【3】.朱永生，2005，《语境动态研究》北京：北京大学出版社。

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第五篇：美国总统演讲稿学英语

WASHINGTON— In this week’s address, President Obama expressed the gratitude of the entire nation to the brave men and women who have served in the war in Iraq, and welcomed our troops home as we mark the official end to the war. This historic achievement would not be possible without the skill and dedication of the men and women of the United State

Remarks of President Barack Obama

Weekly Address The White House

Saturday, December 17, 2011

This week marked an historic moment in the life of our country and our military.

For nearly nine years, our nation has been at war in Iraq. More than 1.5 million Americans have served there with honor, skill, and bravery. Tens of thousands have been wounded. Military families have sacrificed greatly – none more so than the families of those nearly 4,500 Americans who made the ultimate sacrifice. All of them – our troops, veterans, and their families – will always have the thanks of a grateful nation. On Thursday, the colors our Armed Forces fought under in Iraq were formally cased in a ceremony in Baghdad before beginning their journey back home. Our troops are now preparing to make their final march across the border and out of the country. Iraq’s future will be in the hands of its own people. Our war there will be over. All of our troops will be out of Iraq. And this holiday season, all of us can finally say: welcome home. This is an extraordinary achievement – one made possible by the hard work and sacrifice of the men and women who had the courage to serve. And there’s a lesson to learn from that – a lesson about our character as a nation.

See, there’s a reason our military is the most respected institution in America. They don’t see themselves or each other as Democrats first or Republicans first. They see themselves as Americans first.

For all our differences and disagreements, they remind us that we are all a part of something bigger; that we are one nation and one people. And for all our challenges, they remind us that there is nothing we can’t do when we stick together.

They’re the finest our nation has to offer. Many will remain in the military and go on to the next mission. Others will take off the uniform and become veterans. But their commitment to service doesn’t end when they take off the uniform – in fact, I’m confident the story of their service to America is just beginning.

After years of rebuilding Iraq, it is time to enlist our veterans and all our people in the work of rebuilding America.

Folks like my grandfather came back from World War II to form the backbone of the largest middle class in history. And today’s generation of veterans – the 9/11 Generation of veterans – is armed with the skills, discipline, and leadership to attack the defining challenge of our time: rebuilding an economy where hard work pays off, where responsibility is rewarded, where anyone can make it if they try.

Now it is up to us to serve these brave men and women as well as they serve us. Every day, they meet their responsibilities to their families and their country. Now it’s time to meet ours – especially those of us who you sent to serve in Washington. This cannot be a country where division and discord stand in the way of our progress. This is a moment where we must come together to ensure that every American has the chance to work for a decent living, own their own home, send their kids to college, and secure a decent retirement.

This is a moment for us to build a country that lives up to the ideals that so many of our bravest Americans have fought and even died for. That is our highest obligation as citizens. That is the welcome home that our troops deserve.

Thank you.