美国总统竞选演讲稿

关键词： 竞选 网络营销 美国 总统

在写演讲稿时，需要做到论据、论点明确，不能随意编写演讲稿。一份好的演讲稿，需要做到情感充分表达，真实符合常理。那么，你知道怎样写出优质的演讲稿吗？今天小编为大家精心挑选了关于《美国总统竞选演讲稿》仅供参考，大家一起来看看吧。

第一篇：美国总统竞选演讲稿

奥巴马竞选美国总统的网络营销策略

在一年前，如果有人告诉你：“我要在互联网通过网络营销来竞选美国总统。”，你一定会大笑，并断定此人是个“疯子”，随即将之当成笑话，觉得这是不可能的神话。

但是，一年后的今天，这个神话的缔造者来到了中国，他不是“神”，他是信“神”的美国总统奥巴马，一个可能在一年前被你认为是“疯子”的人，一个被称之为“互联网”总统的奥巴马。他是一位真正的互联网网络营销大师，他来到了我们的“家门口”。

“谁能顺应时代潮流，谁就能把握历史的命运。”这句话在美国总统奥巴马身上得到完美的体现，回顾总统竞选历程，在21世纪这个互联网网络盛行的年代，奥巴马总统顺应了互联网网络营销的潮流，顺应了时代的发展，才成就了历史，创造了奇迹。

那么，今天就让我们在家门口，一起来向奥巴马学习如何成功竞选总统的网络营销策略：

方法一：开发网站，这是网络营销的第一步，也是关键的一步。奥巴马竞选总统网站开发的费用约占到网络营销总费用的27%，这里不仅有奥巴马团队自建的竞选官方网站、官方博客，其团队更在各大门户网站开通奥巴马个人主页及竞选专栏，奥巴马团队还开设反诽谤网站，运用英特网技术反击谣言以提升形象、传播竞选动态，让支持者第一时间能了解竞选进程，并快速做出反应，奥巴马通过这些网站，迅速积累自己的支持团队——奥巴马仅在Facebook就拥有一个包含230万拥护者的群组。同时不同网站发挥着不一样但同样关键的作用，如MyBarackObama.com是奥巴马团队在美国大选期间使用的网站，该网站有200万注册用户，有1300万用户订阅了该网站的通讯服务，奥巴马阵营获得的7.5亿捐款有一半来自该网站，该网站目前仍在运营。

可以看出网站在奥巴马竞选总统的过程中发挥着极其重要的作用，通过不同类型但同样重要的网站，奥巴马不仅聚集了人气，更是名利双收。网站能做到快速、直接、准确、有效的信息传播，它的时效性快过任何一份报纸和杂志，奥巴马团队正是利用这一点与支持者进行互动，并将潜在的、可能存在的不良信息快速处理，这就是互联网的特点，这也是为什么网络营销要先从网站开始着手的原因。

对于我们国内的企业而言，做一个网站是非常简单的事情，但很多企业却无动于衷，有的企业有网站却没有被重视，这么好的资源，这么好的机会就这样白白浪费掉了，奥巴马本次访华，不仅是一次政治外交，更是给我们国内的大多数企业提个醒，“如果你不想成为下一个麦凯恩，那就赶快开始进入WEB2.0时代，开始网络营销吧。”

方法二：电子邮件营销(EDM营销);电子邮件营销费用占到奥巴马团队网络营销费用的62%，这里不仅有针对美国公民的电子邮件信息，更有针对性的采用中文书写了一篇《我们为什么支持奥巴马参议员——写给华人朋友的一封信》，网民在奥巴马的竞选网站注册后，就会收到邮件请求“在下周一前捐款15美元或更多”，因为“周一将看到我们的捐款总数，看我们能否与麦凯恩的竞选活动相竞争”，捐款的链接也附在的邮件中，通过EDM营销自动传播，奥巴马竞选团队团获得了大量200美元以下的小额捐款，就算没有财团的支持，奥巴马团队也能获得竞选所需要的巨额资金。

奥巴马总统的经历告诉我们：EDM营销仍是目前最主流、最有效的网络营销方法与手段之一，奥巴马竞选团队正是通过技术手段将EDM营销运用的炉火纯青，才取得今天骄人的“战绩”。

方法三：视频广告、植入式广告、搜索关键词广告，这部分费用占到奥巴马团队网络营销费用的11%，在最流行的视频网站YouTube上，仅一周的时间，其竞争团队就上传了70个奥巴马的相关视频，其中奥巴马关于种族问题的37分钟演讲，上传至网络后查看率在一个月内就超过500万次，使他成为互联网最引人注目的网络“红人”。

奥巴马团队还将竞选广告banner植入到最受年青人欢迎、最热门的18款网络游戏中，游戏在各个场景上打出“竞选已经开始”、以及奥巴马的头像和网站链接，这些游戏在美国10个州同时上市，引起全美青年人广泛关注。

奥巴马团队更借助googleadwords这一世界上最大的搜索引擎，投放了googleadwords关键词广告，如果美国选民在google的搜索框中输入BarackObama,搜索结果页面的右侧就会出现奥巴马的视频宣传广告，以及对竞争对手麦凯恩的政策立场的批判，当然，同时还包括一些非常热门的话题，如油价、伊拉克战争、金融危机等等，只要搜索一下，就可以知道奥巴马对这些敏感问题的观点评论，可以说在竞选其间，奥巴马的身影已强势占据了网民们的注意力。

通过第三点我们不难了解，网络营销的手段多种多样，但网络营销的核心就是“注意力”，无论通过何种方法进行网络营销，其目地只有一个：“吸引更多的注意力”。只有让更多的人关注你，你才更有可能成功。

奥巴马团队通过网络营销让选民们更加深入的了解了奥巴马，成功打造了奥巴马个人品牌。奥巴马网络营销打得红火，民意支持率也占上风，在投票开始前奥巴马的支持率已经超过竞争对手麦凯恩高出10个百分点，胜负就已初见分晓。

奥巴马通过网络营销不仅成功竞选上美国总统，给竞争对手麦凯恩好好上了一课，他此次访华更在家门口给我们的企业提了个醒：“互联网时代、没有做不到的，只有想不到的，互联网时代谁能顺应时代潮流，吸引更多的注意力，谁就能把握历史的命运。如果你不想成为下一个失败者，那你就赶快开始行动”!

第二篇：政治仪式中的媒介权力——大众传媒对美国总统竞选的影响

[ 内容 摘要]大众传媒与美国总统选举密不可分。美国的总统竞选运动成为一种媒体策划下的“仪式”和“表演”。大众传媒对美国总统选举的 影响 表现为：关于竞选过程的消息大部分来自媒体;在形成选民对候选人的印象上有着巨大影响力;媒体新闻报道的方式有助于确定公众认为重要的 政治 问题 ，从而影响公众对候选人的选择;媒体在投票日开展的离场民意测验对选民行为有一定影响。由于媒体在总统竞选中扮演的角色超越了它本来的功能，给竞选带来种种负面效应。

[关键词]大众传媒;总统选举;仪式;表演

美国人常说：大选年，什么事都会发生。而2000年的美国总统大选算得上是有史以来最富戏剧性的一次。11月8日，美国各大媒体纷纷宣布其共和党候选人小布什当选，可仅仅在一小时后，又声称最后结果并未确定。这就让那些已向小布什发出贺电的世界各国领导人陷入了极为尴尬的境地，当然也包括候选人和媒体本身。这可以说是美国媒体给全世界开的一个大玩笑。之后，在这场旷日持久、弄得沸沸扬扬的“驴”、“象”之争中，媒体也一直起着推波助澜的作用。那么，在美国的政治生活中，大众传媒到底扮演着什么样的角色?

从诞生之初，大众传媒便成了重要的政治武器，而在进入了信息 时代 的美国，大众传媒已经充分渗入到 社会 生活各个层面，它与总统选举这一权力之争更是密不可分。美国的总统竞选运动日益成为一种极为典型的媒介事件，即“经过提前策划、宣布和广告宣传，在一定意义上大众是被邀请来参与一种仪式、一种文化表演”(1)的重大新闻事件，大众传媒也日益成为候选人和选民之间的主要纽带，这种“仪式”与“表演”的解说员以及选举中占支配地位的竞选工具。正如美国政治学家蒙戴维·巴伯所言：“总统政治正在发生一场革命，民主党和共和党已经不再控制其旗手的选举，代之而起的是一批新的国王制造者——新闻人士。”(2)在18世纪末，总统运动刚刚开始，有关竞选的信息主要由报纸传递，并且候选人还要借助大量的人际传播，如演讲、集会等。二战以后，随着广播的出现和影响力的日渐增大，总统候选人又将注意力投向了这一新兴媒体。这一时期的著名的“炉边谈话”节目不仅是大众传播史上一座重要的里程碑，也让罗斯福获取了民众的支持，从而以极大优势战胜了得到大部分报纸支持的共和党候选人。进入60年代，美国政治实践的方式已可以用“ 电子 政治”这一新术语来描述，因为电视成了最有力的政治媒体，而首次使用电视转播肯尼迪与尼克松的竞选辩论，也成了美国竞选史上具有划时代意义的事件。肯尼迪当选总统后也承认是电视帮了他的大忙，因为在民意调查中，有400万选民是在看了电视辩论后才决定投票的，其中300万人倒向了肯尼迪。如今随着混合媒介时代的来临，总统竞选不仅受到了报纸、广播、电视的多重包装，互联网更是大大拓展了竞选的媒介空间。小布什在1999年3月就早早建立了自己的竞选网站，并称这将会成为对他的总统竞选感兴趣的人们的有用工具。而当他起诉一网站刊出挖苦他吸毒的图片后，他的网站在25天内就有600万之多的人访问。

麦奎尔认为：大众传媒是一种权力资源、一种话语力量的增效器，是塑造社会生活意象形态的主要方式，也是获取声望、并对现实生活拥有重要影响力甚至操纵力的关键途径。正是大众传媒这种“以言行事”的能力使美国政界人士渴望利用其占领公众的话语权领域，从而控制舆论、宣传自身、影响受众。这是美国传媒之所以在总统竞选中具有重要作用与影响的主要原因。而从美国公众的角度看，他们对“民主制度”的善意解读客观上使大众传媒介入竞选运动成为可能。“选举权本身是民主的保障机制，而民主实质性的保障却来自这样的条件，即公民能够获得信息，并且面临舆论制造者的压力”。(3)美国公众由此认为在民主保障机制方面，大众传媒发挥着举足轻重的作用，并且只有通过这一中介，他们才能参与到总统竞选这一盛大的“民主活动”中。

大众传媒对美国总统竞选运动到底有什么具体影响呢?大多数美国政治 科学 家认为，50年前，媒体对政治的影响似乎并不太大，那时媒体以外的其他因素，如选民的党派关系和组织关系，是决定他们如何投票的最重要因素。而随着电视的普及，媒体构筑的虚拟空间日益扩大，与大众传媒的频繁接触已经成为美国人社会生活中不可或缺的部分，这时受众头脑中的“主观真实”无可避免地要受到“媒介真实”的左右。因此，在传媒对总统选举运动的长篇累牍、不厌其烦的轰炸式报道下，选民受党派和组织关系的影响较前小了，而受媒体的影响却在不断增加，并主要体现在以下几个方面：

第一，人们关于竞选过程的消息大部分来自媒体，这就需要候选人通过媒体进行竞争，被广泛报道的候选人在获得公众了解上收获最多。1976年1月盖洛普民意测验表明，只有3%的人知道吉米·卡特，但到了1976年初选结束时，他已为80%以上的人所了解，并且领先于其他民主党派提名候选人和福特总统。卡特突然在美国的声名鹊起不得不归功于大众传媒对他铺天盖地的报道，《纽约时报》、《华盛顿邮报》和《华尔街日报》都用头版新闻对卡特大书特书，abc、nbc、cns三大广播电视网每晚的头条新闻都是有关他的报道。正如记者莱斯物·伯恩斯所说：“事实上吉米·卡特成为大人物几乎是由媒体一手创造的„„他应比任何政治家都更感激媒体，正是这台宣传机器使他从默默无闻登上了总统宝座。”(4)同样，1992年克林顿在民主党提名竞争中脱颖而出就是借助于《时代》、《纽约客》、《新共和》等大众媒体早早将他的大幅照片登在了封面上，从而引起了公众的兴趣和关注。而同一年由于电视的报道，洛斯·佩罗也从一个地区性的政治人物变成了一个全国知名的政治人物。在媒体的影响下，美国的政治地图也有所变化，按全国一些主要电视中心的分布而被分成了60多个具有支配性公众影响力的地区。总统候选人为了确保当地每一家重要媒体都能得到有关他的所有信息和材料，必须到每一地区进行宣传，而不再以州为单位旅行。

第二，大众媒体在形成选民对候选人的印象上有着巨大的影响力。过去，人们在政治论争中只把个人形象看做是一个非本质的附属问题。如今，美国的党派分野日益削弱，形象问题已变成了整个论争问题的焦点。选民们常常依赖于候选人的形象来帮助他们作出决定，这种影响在没有拿定主意的选民中尤其强烈。在对竞选运动的报道中，媒体并不热衷于政策辩论，而更为关注诸如演讲、记者招待会、旅行、集会之类的政治游戏。在这样的感性环境的竞争氛围下，候选人通过外形、言谈、举止、个人品行等的充分表现而树立起了一个鲜明的媒体形象。约翰·莱恩赞特指出：“因为电视每天把政治领导人的形象送往千千万万公民的家里，电视也就引发出对人的情感反应，这样有助于电视观众关注政治候选人的人格因素，而不是关注他们所代表的政党或他们对有关问题发表的意见。”(5)候选人的媒体形象影响其总统竞选最典型的例子莫过于1960年肯尼迪与尼克松之间的电视辩论。在屏幕上，肯尼迪英气勃勃，稳重健谈，一下赢得了选民的好感和信任;而尼克松由于表现得被动、焦躁和呆板，只有让贤于肯尼迪了。8年后，当尼克松再次参加总统竞选时，他吸取了教训，雇用专家来设计了一个充满亲和力和吸引力的新形象，在电视上充分展现了一个优秀政治家的风度和气质，终于圆了他的总统梦。曾经做过8年电视节目主持人的里根深知电视形象对观众的笼络作用，当然也熟知如何去树立良好的电视形象。在1980年他与卡特对阵的电视辩论之前，两人在选民心目中基本上势均力敌。而在辩论后的第二天，cbs公司进行的民意测验表明，64%的人投里根的票，30%的人投卡特的票。《纽约时报》评论认为：“里根这次当选的胜利，多半归功于他当年在屏幕上树立的正派形象。”(6)正如曾对尼克松的形象问题提出建议的记者雷蒙克·普莱斯所说：“选民的反应是针对形象，而不是人„„更进一步讲，树立起什么样的形象并不重要，重要的是留给选民的印象，这个印象通常取决于媒体以及对媒体的运用，而不是候选人本身。

第三篇：美国总统演讲

乔治·华盛顿

美国人民的实验

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order，and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand，I was summoned by my Country，whose voice I can never hearbut with veneration and love,from a retreat which I hadchosen with the fondest predilection,and,in my flattering hopes,with an immutable decision,as the asylum of my declining years-a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination ,and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time .On the other hand ,themagnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me,being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications,could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected .All I dare hope is that if ,in executing this task ,I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances ,or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens,and havethence too litter consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me ,my error will be palliated bythe motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.

Such being the impressions under which I have ,in obedience to the public summons,repaired to the present station ,it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe,who presides in the councils of nations,and whose providential aids can supply every human defect,that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes,and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good,I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own ,nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be boundto acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency,and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude,along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage .These reflections,arising out of the present crisis,have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed .You Will join with me ,I trust,in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.

By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the

President“to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”The circumstances under which I now meet you Will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled ,and which,in defining your powers ,designates the objects to which your attention is to be given .It will be more consistent with those circumstances,and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me ,to substitute ,in place of a recommendation of particular measures ,the tribute that is due to the talents ,the rectitude ,and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them .In those honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices,will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests,so , on another ,that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality , and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world .I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire,since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exist in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virture and happiness .between duty and advantage .between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity .since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained.and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the tepublican model of government are justly considered,perhaps,as deeply ,as finally,staked on the experiment rntrusted to the hands of the American people.

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care ,it will remain with your judgement to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system ,or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them .Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject,in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities,I shall again give way to me entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good .for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government,or which ought to await the future lessons of experience,a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the questions how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted .

To the foregoing observations I have one to add ,which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself ,and will therefore be aswbrief as possible .When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country ,then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties ,the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation .From this resolution I have in no instance departed .and being still under the impressions which produced it ,I must decline as inapplicable to myself. any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department ,and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it belimited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require .

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awaken by the occasion which brings us together ,I shall take my present leave .but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in the humble supplication that ,since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility ,and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness ,so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views ,the temperate consultation ,and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

译文

参议院和众议院的公民们:

在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月十四日收到你们送达的通知更使我焦虑不安。一方面，国家召唤我出任总统一职，对于她的召唤，我只能肃然从命。而隐退是我以挚爱心情，满腔希望和坚定决心所选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，越来越感到隐退的必要和珍贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此巨大而艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又没有民政管理经验，应该倍觉自己能力不足，因此必然感到难以担此重任。怀着这种矛盾的心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来恪尽职责，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因沉溺于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我高度的信赖，因而过分受到了影响 ，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会出于使我误入歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在批判错误的后果时，也会适应包涵产生这些动机的偏见。

既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热情地祈求全能的上帝将是一件非常不当的事，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足。愿上帝赐福，保佑一个为了美国人民的自由和幸福而组建的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而做出的贡献，保佑政治的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功的发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表了各位和广大公民的心声。没有人能比美国人民更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人类事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每一步都有某种天佑的现象。他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是由虔诚的感恩而获得的某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是难以同大多数政府在组建过程中所采用的方式相比的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自己。我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即如果不能仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府就无法做到一开始就事事如意。

根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而适宜的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只是提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天欢聚一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当，也更能反应我内心的激情的做法不是提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能，正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派歧视，都不能使我们偏离全局的观念和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和不同利益所组建的大联合政权;因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯正不够的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。

我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界法则和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的

硕果之间，有着密不可分的关系;因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了永恒的秩序和权利法则，他绝不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈颜欢笑;因为人们理所当然地，满怀深情地，也许是最后一次地把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。

除了提醒各位注意的一般事务外，在当前的时刻，根据激烈反对共和制的各种意见的性质，或根据引起这些意见的不同程度，在必要时行使宪法第五条授予的权利究竟有多大益处，将依靠你们来加以判断和决定。在这个问题上，我无法从过去担任过的职务中得到借鉴 因此我不提具体的建议，而是再一次完全信任各位对公众利益的辨别和追求;因为我相信，各位只要谨慎，避免做出任何可能危及团结而有效的政府利益的修订，或避免作出应该等待未来经验教训的修订，那么，各位对自由人特有权利的尊重和对社会安定的关注，就足以影响大家慎重考虑应在何种程度上坚定不移地加强前者，并有利无弊的促进后者。

除上述建议外，我还补充一点，而且觉得向众议院提出最恰当。这条意见与我有关，因此应当尽量讲得简短一些。我第一次荣幸地响应号召为国家效劳时，正值我国为自由而艰苦奋斗之际，我对我的职责的看法要求我必须放弃任何俸禄。我从未违背过这一决定。如今，促使我作出这一同样决定的想法仍然支配着我，因此，我必须拒绝对我来说不适宜的任何个人津贴可能被列入并成为政府部门常设基金不可分割的一部分。同样，我必须恳求各位，在估算我就任这个职位所需要的费用时，可以根据我的任期以公众利益所需的实际费用为限。

我已经把有感于这一聚会场合的想法告诉了各位，现在我就要向大家告辞;但在此以前，我还在一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人民有了深思熟虑的机会，有了为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向;因而，同样明显的时，上帝将会保佑我们逐步扩大眼界，稳定地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所比不可缺少的依靠。

第四篇：美国总统林肯演讲稿

Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln March 4th 1861

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of this office."

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.

Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.

Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.

It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. Top

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.

第五篇：美国总统励志演讲稿

hello, everybody! thank you. thank you. thank you, everybody. all right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. how is everybody doing today? (applause.) how about tim spicer? (applause.) i am here with students at wakefield high school in arlington, virginia. and we’ve got students tuning in from all across america, from kindergarten through 12th gr

你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iphone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。 and no matter what you want to do with your life, i guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it. you want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? you want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? you’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. you cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. you’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it. 不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗?你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗?你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。 and this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future. what you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country. the future of america depends on you. what you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future. 这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。

你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。 we need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. if you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country. 我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。 now, i know it’s not always easy to do well in school. i know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork. 我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。 i get it. i know what it’s like. my father left my family when i was two years old, and i was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had. there were times when i missed having a father in my life. there were times when i was lonely and i felt like i didn’t fit in. 我明白这一点。 我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。 so i wasn’t always as focused as i should have been on school, and i did some things i’m not proud of, and i got in more trouble than i should have. and my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse. 我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地。 but i was -- i was lucky. i got a lot of second chances, and i had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams. my wife, our first lady michelle obama, she has a similar story. neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money. but they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country. 但是，我当年际遇不错。我有过许多第二次机会，我有幸能上大学，上法学院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我们的第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马，也有着类似的经历。她的父母都未曾上过大学，家里很穷。但他们非常勤奋 ，她也是如此，因此她得以进入一些美国最好的学校。 some of you might not have those advantages. maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need. maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around. maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right. 你们中有一些人可能没有那些有利条件。或许你们生活中没有成年人为你们提供你们所需要篇二：美国总统演讲稿 remarks of president barack obama weekly address san diego, california saturday, november 19, 2011 today, i’m speaking to you from indonesia as i finish up my trip to the asia pacific – the regionwhere we do most of our trade and sell most of our exports. and over the past week, theprogress we’ve made in opening markets and boosting exports here will help create more jobs andmore growth in the united states. – a goal we’reon pace to meet. and they’re powerful examples of how we can rebuild an economy that’sfocused on what our country has always done best – making and selling products all over theworld that are stamped with three proud words: “made in america.” this is important, because over the last decade, we became a country that relied too much onwhat we bought and consumed. we racked up a lot of debt, but we didn’t create many jobs atall. but building an economy that lasts isn’t just about making things – it’s about opening new marketsfor people to buy them. after all, 95% of the world’s consumers live outside our borders. and asthe fastest-growing region in the world, no market is more important to our economic future thanthe asia pacific region – a region where our exports already support five million american jobs. us trade agreement yet – a partnership withpacific nations that holds the potential for more exports and more jobs in a region of nearly threebillion consumers. 美国总统奥巴马 2010 年开学励志演讲美国总统奥巴马开学演讲英语演讲稿。这是奥巴马第二次发表开学演讲。奥巴马 2009 年的演讲招来了许多批评和抵制。 一些反对者指责称， 奥巴马试图通过演讲向学生灌输政治 理念。部分媒体还批评奥巴马试图建立个人崇拜。在美国各地，也有许多家长向当地教育官 员表示抗议，一些家长甚至威胁在奥巴马演讲时把孩子离教室。有了去年的“教训” ，今年 的总统开学演讲，白宫意强调这是一次“非政治活动” ，而奥巴马本人也在演讲中回避政治 话题。thank you!hello!(applause.)thank you.thank you.well, hello,philadelphia! (applause.) and hello, masterman. (applause.) done that. be here.it is wonderful to see all of you.what a terrific introduction by kelly. give kelly a big round of applause. i was saying backstage that when i was in high school, i could not have (laughter.) i would have muffed it up somehow. so we are so proud and to all the students here, i’ thrilled to mof you and everything that you’ done. ve谢谢!你们好! (掌声。 )谢谢。谢谢。你好，费城! (掌声。 )你好， 马斯特曼。 见到你们真是太好了。 kelly 的介绍真是太棒了。 让我们对 kelly 报以热烈的掌声。在后台的时候我说，我上高中的时候我就做不这么好，我可能 会弄的一团糟。所以让我们为你和你做的一切自豪吧。站在这里我很激动。kelly 在奥巴马总统演讲前，一名叫 kelly 的学生做了演讲。 backstage n.后台 muff v.笨拙地处理，将事情弄糟 thrilled a.激动的 we’ve got a couple introductions i want to make. mayor of philadelphia, michael nutter, is here. fattah is here. (applause.) (applause.) first of all, you’ve got the (applause.) theoutstanding governor of pennsylvania, ed rendell, in the house.(applause.) congressman chaka (applause.) the school 我想介绍1congresswoman allyson schwartz is here. (applause.) andyour own principal, marge neff, is here.superintendent, arlene ackerman, is here and doing a great job. the secretary of education, arne duncan, is here. (applause.)几个人。首先，来到这儿的有，杰出的宾夕法尼亚州州长， ed rendell。 (掌声。 ) 。你们的 费城市长，michael nutter。国会议员 fattah 和 allyson schwartz(掌声) 校长 marge neff(掌声) 。学校管理人 arlene ackerman 是这个学校的，并且为学 (掌声) 校做了很大的贡献。 (掌声) 。还有教育部秘书长 arne duncan。outstanding a.杰出的 congressman n.国会议员 principal n.校长 superintendent n.院长 and i am here. excited. (applause.) and i am thrilled to be here. i am just soi’ve heard such great things about what all of you are doing, both the 还有我。 (掌声) ，我感到非常students and the teachers and th ，你们中有些人在新学年会有些紧张。或许你刚从 小学升到初中，从初中升到高中，会担心，新的学年将会是什么样的呢。也许你 进入一所新的学校，不知道是否会喜欢这个学校，想着怎么来融入这个学校。或 许你到了高三年级，对整个的大学入学程序感到不安，比如申请那里的学校，能 不能支付上大学的费用等等。elementary school n.小学 figure out 想明白，弄清楚 fit in 融入，适应 afford to do 承担得起 and beyond all those concerns, i know a lot of you are also feeling the strain of some difficult times. afghanistan. you know what’s going on in the news and you also know you’ve read about the war in and3what’s going on in some of your own families.you hear about the recession that we’ ve been through.sometimes maybe you’ seeing the worries in your parents’ faces or sense it in their re voice. 除此之外，我知道你们还有来自困难时期的压力。你们知道新闻 内容，知道你们一些家庭中发发生的事情。你们读过有关阿富汗战争的信息，听 说过我们经历过的经济不景气。有时你们还看到了双亲脸上挂着的忧虑，或从他 们的声音中感受到了这些。strain n.压力 so a lot of you as a consequence, because we’re going through a tough time a country, are having to act a lot older than you are. you got to be strong for your or maybe some of family while your brother or sister is serving overseas, or you’ve got to look after younger siblings while your mom is working that second shift. work. you who are little bit older, you’re taking on a part-time job while your dad’s out of 所以，因为我们国家面临困难时期，你们许多人的行为看上去比实 际年龄要大。姐姐哥哥在海外工作，你们会表现得坚强，或许妈妈去值第二班， 你们就要照顾年幼的弟弟妹妹。或许你们有些人年长一点的，父亲失了业，你们 还要做兼职。as a consequence 结果，所以 tough time 困难时期【tough a.艰难的】 sibling n.兄弟姐妹，同胞 shift n.轮班 and that’s a lot to handle. it’s more than you should have to handle. and it may make you wonder at times what your own future will look like, whether you’re going to be able to succeed in school, whether you should maybe set your sights a little lower, scale back your dreams. 有太多事情要做了， 很多是你们不应该 做的。 这让你们迷茫， 不知道自己的未来会是什么样， 在学校能不能取得好成绩， 是不是应该把目光降低些，把理想放低些。handle v.处理，应对 scale back 缩减 but i came to masterman to tell all of you what i think you’re hearing from your principal and your superintendent, and from your parents and your teachers: nobody gets to write your destiny but you. your future is in your hands. your life4is what you make of it.and 【美国总统演讲】确保同工同酬 严惩工资歧视 weekly address: ensuring equal pay for equal work remarks of president barack obama weekly address the white house april 12, 2014 hi, everybody. earlier this week was equal pay day. it marks the extra time the average woman has to work into a new year to earn what a man earned the year before. you see, the average woman who works full-time in america earns less than a man –

even when she’s in the same profession and has the same education. thats wrong. in 2014, it’s an embarrassment. women deserve equal pay for equal work. this is an economic issue that affects all of us. women make up about half our workforce. and more and more, they’re our families’ main breadwinners. so it’s good for everyone when women are paid fairly. that’s why, this week, i took action to prohibit more businesses from punishing workers who discuss their salaries – because more pay transparency makes it easier to spot pay discrimination. and i hope more business leaders will take up this cause. but equal pay is just one part of an economic agenda for women. most lower-wage workers in america are women. so i’ve taken executive action to require federal contractors to pay their federally-funded employees at least ten dollars and ten cents an hour. i ordered a review of our nation’s overtime rules, to give more workers the chance to earn the overtime pay they deserve. thanks to the affordable care act, tens of millions of women are now guaranteed free preventive care like mammograms and contraceptive care, and the days when you could be charged more just for being a woman are over for good. across the country, we’re bringing americans together to help us make sure that a woman can have a baby without sacrificing her job, or take a day off to care for a sick child or parent without hitting hardship. it’s time to do away with workplace policies that belong in a “mad men” episode, and give every woman the opportunity she deserves. i’m going to keep fighting to make sure that doesn’t happen. because we do better when our economy grows for everybody, not just a few. and when women succeed, america succeeds. thanks, and have a great weekend.篇五：美国总统演讲稿——勤奋生活论

勤奋生活论

1899年4月10日于芝加哥

西奥多·罗斯福(1856—1919)，美国第26任总统(1901—1909)，作家，探险者和军事家。

我不打算宣讲安逸论，我要宣讲勤奋生活论，也就是操劳、勤勉、努力和奋斗的一生我要说，安逸平淡者的一生算不上圆满，只有不畏艰险劳苦终获辉煌胜利的人的一生才算得上成功。

贪图安逸的一生，由于不想或不能成就大事业而平淡无奇的一生，对个人、对民族来说都同样不值。 一生苟且怕事的人我们不佩服。我们佩服的是经奋斗而成功的人;从来不会对不起邻人、及时向朋友伸援手的人，尤其佩服有阳刚之气经得起实际生活锻炼的人。失败的滋味固然不好受;从来不愿做成功的尝试却更糟。生活当中不努力就不会有成就。现在无需努力只表示过去已经累积了努力成果。人只有在自己或祖辈努力有成的情况下才有不工作的自由。如这样得来的自由运用得当，他还在做事，只是做不同的事，是作家或是将军，是从政或寻幽探险，都说明他对得起命运对他的厚爱。但如果他反以为这段无需工作期不是准备期而正好偷闲，那么他无非也就是这世上的寄生虫，有朝一日又得自食其力时肯定不如人。安安逸逸的一生说到底算不上充实，对很想在世上有一番严肃作为的人来说尤其不合适。 个人如是，民族亦然。要说没有历史的民族最轻松愉快可就大错了。最快活的乃是有光辉灿烂历史的民族。敢于大胆尝试夺得光辉胜利，即便经历过挫败，也远比与在胜败之间的灰色领域浑浑噩噩过了一辈子既未曾惊喜亦不知苦难的人为伍要强。如若1861年热爱联邦者以为和平乃上上选、纷战乃下下策，并秉此而行，我们果然能少死千万人，少花千万元。尤有甚者，非但能省却当时流的血、花的钱，让多少妇女免于丧子丧夫之痛、家破人亡之苦;还可以摆脱我们在军队连连败退时全国上下被暗淡所笼罩的漫长蒙羞岁月。只要当时对鏖战望而怯步就可以回避这场苦难。其实，要真是回避了，我们倒成了弱者，没有资格并列世界大国之林。感谢上帝让我们的祖辈有铁血意 志，他们坚持林肯的智慧，与格兰特将军持剑荷枪而战!我们这些当年的志士豪杰之后，促使南北战争胜利结束的英雄的后代，让我们赞美我们先祖的上帝，因为他们拒不同意苟且求全的论调，而勇敢地在痛苦损失、悲痛绝望的情况下卓绝苦战多年;最后奴隶终得解放，联邦得以恢复，强大的美利坚共和国再次可以在国际上昂首挺胸„„ 凡畏缩、疏懒、不相信自己国家的人，谨小慎微丧失了斗志、挺不起腰杆子的人，无知混沌、无法像刚毅有为的人那样被振奋的人，凡是这样的人每见到国家有新的责任当前自然要望而怯步;不愿见到我们有足以应付需要的陆、海军;见到我们的士兵、水手在伟大美丽的热带岛屿上奋勇地撵走西班牙人，’承担起应有的世界责任，化混乱为秩序时也要望而怯步。这些人就是怕磨练，就是怕生活在一个有国格的国家之中;他们要的是让国无理想人无大志的安逸生涯;要不他们就是一味贪得图利之辈，以为国家的一切应以商业利益为依靠，却未能意识到商业利益诚然是不可或少的考虑因素，但只不过是使一个国家真正伟大的许多 因素之一。一个国家要想持久，它就必需有深厚的靠勤俭、经商、发展企业、刻苦经营工业而建立起来的物资财富;但还从来没有单靠物质财富就可以真正算得上伟大的国家。 所以同胞们，我要讲的是为了国家我们不能好逸恶劳。即将到来的20世纪许多国家命运未卜。如果我们仅只袖手旁观，只贪图享乐安逸，只求太平无事，如果我们每逢身心考验便望风而逃，那么比较勇敢坚强的人就会赶超我们，得以称霸世界。因此让我们勇敢地面对生活中的考验，坚定负责地做好该做的事;坚持正义，言行一致;决心诚实勇敢地为崇高理想服务，并采纳切合实际的办法。最重要的是，不能在国内外有难、对我们身心有所求时裹足不前，当然首先我们得确定危难值得一战;因为只有通过危难、通过艰苦卓绝的努力才能让我们至终成为真正伟大的国家。